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Opuntia - choice wild fruit for Eritreans © Dr. M. Ashaq Raza

Street children in Asmara © Dr. M. Ashaq Raza

Millennium Development Goals in Eritrea

Woman selling corn in Godief, Asmara © Dr. M. Ashaq Raza

Where armies are assembled on either side of a disputed border, the countries involved are unlikely to allocate high priority to pursuit of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The Eritrean government concedes that resources diverted to “national security” have acted as a brake on human development. Indeed poverty has increased over the period of the MDG programme, rising from 53% in the baseline period of the early 1990s to 66% at the most recent point of assessment in 2003.

During 2007 the government published a progress report for the MDGs which acknowledged that Goals for poverty, universal education and the environment are very unlikely to be achieved. Net enrolment for primary education is only 44%. Schools are short of classrooms and materials with teacher retention compromised by inadequate pay levels. Poor standards of sanitation are no help – in a recent “national rapid assessment” Unicef judged that only 1.5% of people in rural areas have access to safe sanitation and only 58% to a source of clean water.

The MDG report estimates the cost of meeting the Goals to be $1.5 billion in the period to 2015. Unfortunately, prospects for aid funding are at an all-time low, epitomised by the withdrawal of assistance from the US government and USAID. The deterioration in the relationship with international NGOs has been caused partly by Eritrea’s failure to finalise its Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) – a critical tool for donors – and partly by its reluctance to address concerns about governance and human rights.

In more settled times through the 1990’s with peace holding firm, Eritrea did demonstrate its ability to implement pro-poor policies and to be an attractive destination for development agencies. The benefits can be seen in the significant improvement in health indicators which do appear to be in line with MDG targets. Now, new taxes and regulations have made life impossible for some international NGOs and many major groups have been told to leave the country.

Food Security in Eritrea

Mercy Corps school feeding program in Eritrea

The fundamental challenge for poverty and hunger targets in Eritrea is food security. Much of the land is semi-arid, weather patterns are unpredictable and some of the most fertile regions are minefields. About 80% of the population lives in rural areas, the majority being poor subsistence farmers and nomadic herdsmen. Even in years of favourable rainfall, crop yields have fallen well short of the country’s needs. Eritrea has a long history of droughts and, after the failure of seasonal rainfall every year in the period 2001-2004, received assistance from the world community to feed more than 2 million people, two-thirds of its population.

With the feeding programme in full swing in 2005, the Eritrean government embarked on a radical change of strategy. Distribution of food aid provided by the World Food Programme was abruptly ended and a “work-for-food” programme installed in its place. The government claims that with this additional labour, improved agricultural techniques and increased budgets for irrigation, alongside a new spirit of self-sufficiency, the country can manage without external assistance. Three successive years of good rains have prevented catastrophe but the true position is difficult to assess. A 2007 UN report estimated that 70%-80% of people are short of food essentials as prices rise beyond the means of the most disadvantaged groups. By contrast President Isaias Afewerki stated in an October 2007 interview that “we don’t have any humanitarian problems….. we do not need any food aid”.

The government’s isolationist food strategy was adopted before the impact of climate change on Africa had reached its current high state of alert. Alas Eritrea must be viewed as one of the most vulnerable countries in the continent, as is made clear in the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) published in 2007. The prospect of increased variability in rainfall patterns, more frequent drought, and rising sea levels (Eritrea has many low-lying islands) acting on a primitive system of agriculture surely calls for more fundamental investment than the steps of basic good practice identified in the NAPA report.
Health and HIV/AIDS in Eritrea

HIV/AIDS counselling on World AIDS Day 2007, Eritrea © Dr.M.Ashaq Raza

Where donor relationships with the government have survived, the results of sustained programmes such as vaccination for measles have been encouraging. This is particularly true in the fight against malaria; child mortality in Eritrea is improving thanks to the large scale distribution of bednets by the government. The malaria rate has fallen dramatically, more so than elsewhere in Africa.

It is also fortunate that Eritrea has developed reasonable capacity to combat HIV/AIDS; the country experiences relatively low prevalence. But a combination of adverse circumstances - extreme poverty and thousands of soldiers away from their homes - creates risks which may be difficult to control.
Conflict in Eritrea

UNMEE Headquarters, Asmara © Dr.M.Ashaq Raza

The short history of Eritrea has been shaped by continuing conflict with its neighbour Ethiopia. After a 30 year war Eritrea gained a military victory on May 24, 1991 and celebrated full independence from Ethiopia in 1993. However the fragile peace was broken by border disputes over the town of Badme which led to renewed fighting between 1998 and 2000 with 70,000 lives lost and a million Eritreans displaced. The Algiers Agreement signed in 2000 laid down the terms of a new peace, with monitoring by the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE).

Demarcation of the border has proved to be the critical stumbling block. Despite occasional hints to the contrary, Ethiopia has ultimately refused to accept the recommendations of an independent Boundary Commission in 2002 that Badme should be part of Eritrea. Losing patience at the international community for failure to enforce this binding arbitration, Eritrea has progressively adopted a strategy of provocation since the end of 2005. Initially banning UN flights over key border areas, it has now moved thousands of troops and tanks into the Temporary Security Zone (TSZ), a breach of the Algiers Agreement according to the UN.

Ethiopia-Eritrea border

With its restricted freedom of movement and deteriorating relations with the government, UNMEE is struggling to fulfil its essential task of monitoring what exactly is happening in the TSZ. Unable to carry out demarcation of the border, the Boundary Commission has closed down. Meanwhile, Ethiopia has moved significant forces into the border region creating a tinderbox situation and justifiable UN concern that stability in the Horn of Africa is about to deteriorate still further.

Fears that a proxy war between the two sides would emerge from the crisis in neighbouring Somalia have come to fruition. Backed by the US, Ethiopian forces are in Mogadishu in support of the official government. Eritrea sympathises with the insurgent “freedom fighters” but has denied accusations that it supplies weapons to them, breaching an international arms embargo. The US is believed to be close to classifying Eritrea as a state supporting terrorism, a move which could provide grounds for Ethiopian forces to advance across the border.
Politics in Eritrea

Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki © United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network

The People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), headed by president Isaias Afewerki, has governed the country since its formal sovereignty and independence from Ethiopia on May 24, 1993. It is the only political party permitted by law. The legislative body, the National Assembly, has 150 members; 50% chosen by the PFDJ and 50% elected representatives. However, national elections have never been held, nor is there a full constitution in force.

The president acts as both the chief of state and head of government and nominates officials to head the various ministries, commissions and offices. The cabinet comprises 16 members chaired by the president. This powerfully centralised one-party political system which served Eritrea well in the years of war looks increasingly out of place as the international community places greater scrutiny over governance structures in Africa. Unsurprisingly, independent civil society in Eritrea has been unable to emerge in this political environment.
Human Rights in Eritrea

A ruthless political machine combined with the dominant role of the army in national life together provide an environment susceptible to human rights violations and intolerance. Many once loyal cabinet ministers and journalists labelled as spies of Ethiopia remain in prison despite intervention by various international human rights groups. Lengthy detention without trial has also been imposed on members of minority churches, belying traditions of religious tolerance within Eritrea. The crackdown on personal freedom has been particularly severe since 2001 when the government came under a degree of public criticism.

Conscription is very unpopular, with meagre pocket money, poor living conditions and the threat of torture for desertion or evasion of the draft. Many young people prefer to flee the country for fear of the consequences. Ironically, in terms of conventional law and order, Eritrea displays an enviable record.

Another source of criticism is the cultural tradition of female genital mutilation (FGM) which is practised on a wide scale; almost 90% of women in Eritrea are believed to have suffered this rite of passage. In April 2007 the government issued a proclamation banning the practice of FGM but cultural barriers to change remain formidable.
Information and Media in Eritrea

Only government-owned media operate in Eritrea. Two TV channels, ERITV1 and ERITV2, have broadcast their programs worldwide since 2004, a bi-weekly “Eritrea profile” with editions in Tigrignya (Hadas Eritrea) and Arabic (Eritrea Alhaditha). More accessible is the country radio station with FM channels broadcasting a variety of programs in Tigrignya, Arabic, English and other local languages. The other internet-based news sources produced within Eritrea are the government websites of the Ministry of Information and People’s Front for Democracy and Justice.

More journalists are imprisoned in Eritrea than in any other African country. Freedom of expression appears to have no place in the country's development model - A BBC Radio journalist expelled for "negative reporting" in September 2004 was described as the last permanent foreign correspondent working in Eritrea. Eritrea was awarded bottom place in the 2007 Press Freedom Index, replacing North Korea.

Awet internet cafe, Asmara © Dr.M.Ashaq Raza

Internet facilities were introduced in Eritrea in 2000 and the capital Asmara is now full of Internet cafes with users queueing at all hours of the day and night. Similar services are being extended to other cities like Massawa, Mendafera, Karen, and Decamerah. Cellphones were introduced in March 2004 and, although somewhat expensive, are used in profusion especially in areas where there are no landlines. However, such services are yet to be provided in rural Eritrea.

Eritrea Institute of Technology © Dr. M. Ashaq Raza

There are more than 100 computer centers in Asmara alone, offering various advanced computer courses. In increasing numbers of schools, computer training is available. The Eritrea Institute of Technology in Mainefhi offers advanced degree level computer education and almost every ministry is training its personnel. Thus an information culture is rapidly propagating, connecting Eritrea with the rest of world and diminishing the digital divide.
The Economy in Eritrea

Vegetable Market in Asmara © Dr. M. Ashaq Raza

Eritrea has adopted in principle the full panoply of free market disciplines recommended by the IMF - but these remain somewhat superfluous in an economy which is largely on a military footing, supported by agriculture. The army itself, 200,000 strong, is the largest in Africa in absolute terms and the largest in the world measured as a percentage of population.

The continuing devaluation of currency since independence creates major problems for ordinary people in Eritrea through ever-increasing prices and scarcity of daily commodities. The government is obliged to sell these goods at subsidised rates through its own stores and shops. The development of offshore oil, fishing, and tourism are the main hopes for the economy to escape its burden of debt and dependence on aid and overseas remittances. It is also clear that the country hopes to develop its relationship with China to boost infrastructure, trade and investment.



Dr. M. Ashaq Raza is currently serving as Director of Research at Eritrea Institute of Technology, Mainefhi, Eritrea. Besides this, he is one of the longest serving UN online volunteers who has helped more than 30 developmental organizations including a dozen UN offices worldwide in past five years while serving in various senior capacities. He was also winner of the Volunteer of the Year award for 2005 facilitated by UN Volunteers.

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