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Millennium Development Goals in Jordan

Jordan is classified as a middle-income country whose government conveys a sense of genuine concern for poverty issues, allocating financial resources for social development at a proportion of national income which its regional peers rarely match.

Jordanian boys © UNDP 2001 / United Nations Development Programme

Levels of acute poverty in Jordan are therefore low, the baseline 1992 figure of 6.6% for the purpose of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) having since reduced to about 4.0%. However, large numbers of families find themselves just above this benchmark with 14% of the population assessed to be below a broader definition of poverty. Their prospects remain exposed to volatile regional politics which have caused sustainable damage to Jordan’s development strategies in the past. This is broadly the message of Jordan's first MDG Progress Report published in 2004 which expresses confidence in varying degrees that each of the Goals will be achieved but warns of the dependence on economic stability in the region.

Although there is some concern that the rate of maternal mortality is not falling in line with the MDG target, Jordan can boast an impressive health system together with almost full primary school enrolment for both boys and girls. Gender inequality is however apparent in employment opportunities where women are at a marked disadvantage. Despite Jordan being a front runner amongst Arab countries in supporting political participation of women, the 2007 election resulted in only 7 seats for women of which 6 were awarded by a quota system rather than votes. This problem will be difficult to rectify by 2015.

Conflict in Jordan

Jordanian refugee camp © Thorkell Thorkelsson / IFRC / International Committee of the Red Cross

The history of Jordan can be traced through the sequence of conflicts that have plagued the region since 1945. Movements of refugees from Palestine, and more recently from Iraq, have created population pressures in Jordan alongside complex political tensions over the appropriate relationship with regional governments. Apart from Palestine, Jordan shares a border with many of the countries which are key to the future stability of the Middle East, including Israel, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq. The country’s significance in global politics far outweighs the muscle of its economy or population.

Internally, these complexities are reflected in Jordan’s logistical and intellectual struggle with terrorism, and in relations between the government and the Islamic Action Front (IAF), the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood. Tensions rose especially after the terrible treble hotel blasts in Amman in November 2005 which claimed 60 Jordanian lives, and the subsequent killing of the leader of the al-Qaeda terrorist group in Iraq, Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi, a Jordanian national and mastermind of the Amman atrocities. The International Crisis Group published a controversial report urging greater inclusion of Islamists in the political process and restraint in enforcing new security measures in Jordan.

A new Prevention of Terrorism Act was passed in 2006 but, on the intellectual level, Jordan is facilitating and hosting a number of conferences, workshops and debates amongst Islamic scholars to restrain the spread of extreme interpretations of Islam.
Politics in Jordan

Any hopes that the IAF might become more involved in the formal political process were dashed by the November 2007 parliamentary elections when the IAF share of the 110-member House of Representatives was reduced from 17 to just 6. There have been suggestions that constituency boundaries restrict opportunities in urban areas where the IAF is strong, in favour of rural tribal leaders who dominate the House.

Jordan is a constitutional monarchy that has survived the vicissitudes of Middle Eastern politics over the last six decades by coping with all the upheavals that have shaped the region. Like all its neighbours in the Arab world, the country has experienced limited democracy over much of this period, but without the sufferings of dictatorships imposed by nationalistic Arab regimes.

Jordan’s brand of democracy was introduced in 1989 through national elections for the House of Representatives, reinforced by new laws for political parties, media and publishing, and fewer restrictions on freedoms of expression. The relaxations have been endorsed and deepened more recently by King Abdullah so that the country is now one of the most politically open in the Middle East, permitting opposition parties such as the IAF. Civil society too has a mature presence in the country.

The drive for ambitious political reform in Jordan continues with the production in February 2006 of the National Agenda, recognised as the boldest attempt yet by the state to encourage political parties, protection of human rights, civil society and empowerment of women. However, the King did not attend its launching ceremony having initiated a separate process of participatory reform planning. The government too is currently developing a package of reform legislation which virtually sidelines the National Agenda.

Further reform is therefore likely even if the detail remains uncertain. In the meantime, the King holds the true levers of power, appointing members of the upper House of Notables and including the right to dismiss the government, a step that he indeed took in April 2005, apparently over dissatisfaction with ministers’ performance. The new prime minister appointed by the King after the 2007 elections is Nader al-Dahabi.
Human Rights in Jordan

The 1989 process of democratization together with more recent signs of openness likewise has enabled the Jordanian human rights record to improve relative to other Arab countries. Civil society is encouraged to address human rights issues and The National Centre for Human Rights was established by the state in 2003.

This is not to say that serious issues do not remain and Jordan is frequently on the receiving end of critical assessments by international human rights groups especially regarding the activities of the General Intelligence Department (GID) which deals with national security. There is however an apparent willingness to engage with the issues with Jordan becoming the first Arab country to allow a visit from the UN Special Rapporteur for Torture. Manfred Nowak’s 2007 report duly concluded that “the practice of torture is widespread in Jordan” and that it is routine in the GID. The issue is attracting international attention in the context of controversial British proposals to deport Jordanian nationals accused of inciting terrorism in the UK.

Jane Fonda & Rana Husseini © Gareth Benest

A very different problem also in the international domain is the issue of honour killing which is one of the deep-rooted social problems in Jordan, attracting public condemnation by Queen Rania. The phenomenon is widespread, supported by highly debated by-laws, and given a religious credibility by certain interpretation of Islamic principles. The broader issue of violence against women is also one that greatly concerns civil society in Jordan.

Iraqi refugee children in Jordan © Maria Font de Matas / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the number of refugees per capita of population in Jordan is more than double the level of any other country. Perhaps for this reason Jordan has been unable to grant formal refugee status to more than a small minority. The largest Palestinian camp at Baqaa holds as many as 90,000 refugees protected by UNRWA. Of 500,000 Iraqi refugees only about 25,000 have rights of citizenship. The government acknowledges the “historic friendly relationship” with Iraq but, in appealing for more international help, has estimated the cost of accommodating the Iraqis to be $1 billion pa. In 2007 Jordan did make a much-welcomed gesture of allowing 50,000 Iraqi children access to schools but in general the Iraqis live in poor conditions with rising local tensions over their impact on prices and services. Despite the improving situation in Iraq, UNHCR is not yet recommending a return home for the largely Sunni refugee population in Jordan.
Information and Media in Jordan

After a long period of media censorship and lack of freedoms, the Jordanian press has seen positive developments under King Abdullah's reign, including the reform of several articles of the restrictive Press and Publications Law, the passage of new legislation to allow private broadcast media, and an apparent halt to the practice of arbitrary detention of journalists. Mandatory membership of the pro-government Jordan Press Association is however a source of grievance amongst journalists. The government therefore remains firmly in control of the media even though the balance is shifting slowly in a positive direction.

In support of these moves towards more freedom of information, the country has set an objective to become the regional leader in knowledge and information management, an area in which the Arab world has fallen behind. Government ministries have worked together to launch a new personal computer ownership scheme that allows Jordanians to buy computers through a small monthly charge to their monthly telephone bills. Community telecenters and e-Education facilities are also springing up in all parts of Jordan although there are doubts over their impact. The government has set a target for 50% of the population to be online by 2011.
The Environment in Jordan

Ever since its establishment in 1923, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has lived with the challenge of managing its fragile natural environment. One positive consequence is the early awareness of environmental problems by the state and civil society. Jordan has developed sophisticated and efficient integration between public sectors and embarked on a legislative and capacity building process that has resulted in improved laws and institutions for environmental management.

Dead Sea © Batir Wardam

The most serious challenge is the scarcity of water illustrated most painfully by the declining levels of the River Jordan and the Dead Sea. Both Jordan and Israel are striving to find a way through Middle East political conflicts to inject a new lease of life to these dying water sources. High hopes have been expressed for a $600 million project to draw water from the Disi aquifer in the south which looks likely to proceed.

Although personal access to a safe water source is almost universal, Jordan is one of the ten poorest countries in the world in terms of water availability. The average Jordanian citizen can rely on 160 cubic meters of water per year for consumption, against the WHO scarcity guideline of 1,000 cubic meters.

This water scarcity, coupled with high population growth, requires a delicate balance to be struck between household and irrigation demands for water. The government leaves no stone unturned in raising awareness; its efforts include distribution of water-saving devices and the use of recycled water in agriculture. The potential impact of climate change on crop yields and water availability has added an alarming new dimension to Jordan’s intricate natural resource management. Friends of the Earth Middle East has even suggested that Jordan will have to abandon the use of freshwater for agriculture.
The Economy in Jordan

Jordan Valley © GEF Jordan

Given that the two most important natural resources needed for development, water and oil, are in short supply, Jordan’s main wealth lies in its human resources. High levels of education, vocational skills, and entrepreneurship characterize the people of Jordan.

Always hostage to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the deep-rooted political instability of the region and US aid (which amounted to $510 million in 2006, a large proportion of the national budget), Jordan has taken a more liberal approach in its economic policies than its Arab neighbours. This has included joining the WTO, establishment of a free trade agreement with the USA, establishment of the Aqaba free economic zone, and a full and not uncontroversial programme of privatisation. This approach has put Jordan at the receiving end of pan-Arab political conflicts but has created a progressive image in its drive for exports.

High oil prices are bound to expose the country’s total dependence on imported oil and its subsidies on the price of fuel for everyday use are unlikely to be sustained. Food prices are under pressure for similar reasons and, with unemployment at stubbornly high levels of 14%, the plight of the more disadvantaged groups in Jordan will remain very sensitive to the government’s economic priorities.



Batir Wardam is a writer and blogger who is an environmentalist by profession. He writes a daily political column in Jordan and frequent articles in newspapers, magazines and websites. He can be reached at his blog http://batir.jeeran.com.

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