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Millennium Development Goals in Palestine

In a classroom in Palestine © United Nations Development Programme

A lack of political and economic freedom has severely impeded Palestinian progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Poverty has tripled since 1999, enrolment rates in education have fallen and key humanitarian sectors have been forced into emergency mode. In addition to the problems brought by 60 years of occupation and constant conflict, over half the population is under 18 and there are high fertility rates: human development in Palestine clearly faces significant challenges, many of which require a political solution.

The focus of immediate concern is on Gaza. Since June 2007 when Hamas control became confined to that region, Israel tightened existing restrictions and worsened the blockade, reducing supplies of fuel and power and allowing delivery of only a fraction of essential goods. The current situation represents the worst humanitarian crisis in Palestine since the 1967 war. Out of the population of 1.5 million in Gaza, 80% are now dependent on food aid, 70% are surviving on less than $1.20 per day, health services have been severely compromised and education is being disrupted.

Health in Palestine

Palestinian children © Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group

Food insecurity in Gaza has an inevitable impact on health and the head of the United Nations Relief Works for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has spoken of the increased stunting of children. By December 2007 a significant proportion of essential drugs and medical supplies had run out, including most children's antibiotics. The Israeli siege also condemns hospitals to manage for long periods without electricity.

Life expectancy in the OPT currently stands at 73 years but this hides the massive psychological impact of the occupation. Daily scenes of violence, arrests, harrassment by soldiers, house demolitions and checkpoint delays have resulted in a plethora of social problems for which there are few coping mechanisms. Bed wetting, increased tendency towards violence, manifest anxiety and nervousness have all been documented in Palestinian children. The separation wall has dispossessed Palestinians of fertile land and water sources, further limiting water supply. Along with low sewage system coverage this increases concern for waterborne diseases, such as potentially fatal childhood diarrhoea and dehydration.
Politics in Palestine

A major breakthrough in Palestinians’ right to self-determination was made in 1993 with the Declaration of Principles (also known as the Oslo Accords). This paved the way to limited autonomy and the establishment of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Not originally an elected government, the PA developed a more democratic structure over time though this has been challenged by recent events.

Abu Mazen - Mahmoud Abbas © Radio Netherlands Wereldomroep

The head of the Fatah party, Mahmoud Abbas, was elected president in January 2005 following the death of long serving leader Yasser Arafat. One year later in parliamentary elections, the Hamas party became the first democratically elected Islamic government in the Middle East in recent times, threatening a political system established on the principle of separation of state and religion. Voters rewarded Hamas for its efficient administration of public services and lack of corruption that had become associated with Fatah. However the new government failed to meet the conditions for recognition by the international community, in particular to renounce violence and recognise the right of Israel to exist within a potential two state solution. This stance of the donor countries raised criticism that, having pressed the Palestinians for years to adopt more democratic practices, they punished the voters with severe economic sanctions and suspension of aid.

Hamas Logo © Radio Netherlands

In an attempt to end the isolation, a government of national unity involving both Hamas and Fatah ministers was formed in March 2007. But extreme tensions between the two parties erupted into fighting in June 2007 which left Hamas in control of the Gaza Strip. The president duly dissolved the coalition and imposed a caretaker government of Fatah officials headed by prime minister Salam Fayyad. While the international community has resumed relations with the new government, Gaza has been ostracised and many projects remain stalled or abandoned.

There have been tentative but unsuccessful efforts to arrange talks between the two sides to address the current untenable situation, for example at a meeting in Yemen in March 2008.
The Economy in Palestine

Palestinian vegetable grower © Edward Parsons / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network

The current strategy of the international community appears to centre on the belief that kickstarting a prosperous economy will erode public support for the ostracised Hamas party and create fertile conditions for peace negotiations. To this end private sector enterprise features prominently in the Palestine Reform and Development Plan 2008-2010 drawn up by prime minister Fayyad. A donor meeting in Paris in December 2007 pledged $7.4 billion over the 3 years of the Plan, a generous response although less than US aid of $9 billion promised to the Israelis over the same period, largely for military purposes.

However, without radical change in conditions on the ground this aid strategy is fatally flawed. For example, both World Bank and IMF development models are based on the assumption that Israel is willing to relieve the severe and disproportionate movement restrictions. A backdrop of 563 permanent checkpoints, an estimated 560 flying checkpoints and a monthly average of 73 hours of curfew prevent people from accessing their own land and businesses from transporting goods, both within the OPT and to its main market, Israel. The agricultural market, crucial if a viable Palestinian state is to be achieved, has been especially badly affected by movement restrictions and some farmers have been dispossessed of their land. There are also fears this has increased food insecurity. Furthermore, Palestine has no currency of its own and operates in enforced monetary union with Israel which significantly restricts the government’s ability to manage its economy.

Gaza residents queue outside bakery © Lucy Mair

These constraints and pressures have resulted in Palestinian GDP falling by 40% since 1999. a recession which has been described by UN and NGO agencies as the de-development of the OPT. Although the government has responded by greatly increasing the number of civil servants, unemployment in the West Bank is over 30% largely owing to the crippling border restrictions which affect thousands of Palestinians who are dependent on jobs in Israel. In Gaza, the Israeli siege has brought the economy to a complete standstill - even UN reconstruction projects have been suspended. Few people can be described as “employed”. The region depends on humanitarian aid organised as direct social support to beneficiaries together with direct cash payments to Hamas from sympathetic Arab governments and organisations.

The lack of Israeli investment in the territories has long been compensated by significant flows of international aid and the 2007 resumption of normal aid flows to the Fatah government has brought some relief, at least to those in the West Bank. But aid agencies, are increasingly pointing out that these vast sums can achieve nothing other than short term humanitarian benefit unless accompanied by a decisive shift in the impositions of the occupying power.

Civil Society and International Agencies

The poor provision of public services over the course of the occupation, especially during the first intifada (1987-1992), ensured that civil society flourished. However, when the PA was formed, much of this endeavour was effectively swallowed up and politicised in an effort to create an all-encompassing government. Israeli authorities have also played a part in the weakening of civil society in recent years through their policy of targeting and closing Islamic charities which provide essential services and care to thousands of people. In recent years, the role of civil society in Palestine has been uncertain and will be tested by the redirection of aid flows.

Hebron Old City, H2 area under Israeli control © Jo Kelcey

Pressure on Palestinian NGOs to adhere to the PA line is not uncommon and a lack of clarity about the role of governmental versus non-governmental organizations together with a weak administrative and legal infrastructure impedes the development of a robust and healthy civil society. A recent World Bank report on the role and performance of Palestinian NGOs found that, while organisations were providing much needed services, there was a culture of vertical accountability to the PA and donors rather than clients.

Many international NGOs continue to provide basic services and UNRWA remains the primary provider for refugees both inside the OPT and in refugee camps across the region. Major protection gaps exist however as the organisation currently only offers basic service provision.
Conflict in Palestine

Violence in Rafah, Gaza

Since the beginning of the 2000 Al-Aqsa intifada, the search for peace between Israel and the Palestinians has proved illusive, as indeed it has throughout the 60 years since the founding of Israel. The recent pattern has been one of regular and highly destructive Israeli military operations, Palestinian civilian uprising and terrorist activities, either within Israel or against settlers, from groups originating from within the OPT and beyond (although the latter has reduced in frequency over the last few years). Much of Palestine's already dilapidated infrastructure has been destroyed and over 4,000 Palestinians and more than 1,000 Israelis have lost their lives since 2000. The vast majority of Palestinian deaths have been civilians, resulting from disproportionate use of force by the Israeli Defence Force (IDF). However in 2007 the unprecedented internecine violence between Fatah and Hamas caused more Palestinian deaths than Israeli military actions.

Jerusalem's disputed Old City © Out There News

Although a two state solution in which an independent Palestine would emerge is supported by most governments, Israel’s apparent refusal to discuss the final status of Jerusalem, the right of return of Palestinian refugees and fair sharing of water resources continues to block progress. Despite the historic 2005 evacuation of illegal settlers from the Gaza Strip, the Israelis have continued strengthening settlements within the West Bank where about 450,000 settlers now reside. For their part, the PA is powerless to prevent continued rocket attacks from Gaza, most notably against Sderot, let alone offer the prospect of disarmament of all militias.

Bush, Abbas and Sharon at Aqaba Summit - June 2003 © MidEastWeb for Coexistence

The peace process is facilitated by a group known as the “Quartet”, comprising US, UN, Russia and the EU. UN resolutions that would put pressure on Israel are however invariably blocked by use of the US veto. Against a backdrop of 60 years of conflict, 40 years of occupation and the inability to implement outstanding UN resolutions, President Bush now believes he can oversee an agreement for a new state of Palestine before he leaves office in January 2009. At the US-sponsored conference in Annapolis in November 2007 the political template known as the “roadmap” that was tentatively agreed by all parties in 2003 has been reinvoked as the essential starting point. However, the timing is hardly propitious given the US refusal to allow any parties to deal with Hamas and the perceived political weakness of both Israeli and Palestinian leaders. Although Abbas and the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert, are in regular dialogue, there has already been one breakdown in talks following a particularly severe round of fighting in Gaza in which the Israeli military killed over 100 Palestinians.
Human Rights in Palestine

Under International Humanitarian Law Israel must provide for the welfare of Palestinians as the Occupying Power. The destruction of livelihoods, the many civilian casualties, and the denial of power and fuel supplies to Gaza have been condemned as illegal collective punishment by the EU, UN and many international NGOs. Numerous cases of abuse, torture and death of Palestinians detained by Israel have been reported. There are over 300 Palestinian children currently held in custody by Israel. Other major violations include cases of children being used as human shields by the IDF, the hindered delivery of humanitarian aid and forced displacement, this being an area of increasing concern typically caused by discriminatory administrative and military house demolition policy, and settler violence.

Welcome to Bethlehem © Jo Kelcey

In defiance of the 2004 ruling by the International Court of Justice that the West Bank Wall is in breach of International Law, construction has continued. Despite Israel's claim that the Wall is intended to provide security for Israelis, approximately 80% is built inside Palestinian territory effectively annexing 10% of the West Bank and almost all the illegal settlements to Israel. Today it is the main cause of forced displacement in the OPT. Tampering with the agreed 'green line' boundary not only violates Palestinian rights but is likely to gravely impact existing peace agreements, presenting a further obstacle to efforts to reach political settlement. A similar wall around the Gaza Strip has displaced thousands.

Shuhada street road block for Palestinians © Jo Kelcey

The associated regime of restrictions on the movement and residency of Palestinians is so fundamentally disruptive that Amnesty International has suggested that Israel is in default of its obligations under international racial discrimination agreements. In January 2007, based on his observations of separate roads, discriminatory access and residency rights in juxtaposition to the situation afforded to settlers (including a total lack of accountability for attacks on Palestinians), the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the OPT likened the situation to that of apartheid.

Within Palestine reports of torture, arbitrary arrests and executions (sometimes publicly) of suspected collaborators are particularly worrying. The death penalty remains in place. Both Hamas and Fatah are regularly criticised by international human rights watchdogs. Another concern is that domestic violence against women and honour killings appear to be on the rise, with little legal or psychological support for victims.

Information and Media in Palestine

Journalists have been harrassed and have faced imprisonment for reporting on subjects deemed sensitive. Past Israeli military decrees have rendered the Occupied Territories out of bounds to those wanting to report on the conflict and Israeli media repression has resulted in journalists' deaths. In early 2006 media outlets came under the President’s jurisdiction (to prevent the then Hamas dominated government from exerting its control over official media). More recently the severe tensions between Fatah and Hamas have resulted in increased media repression.



Jo Kelcey studied at the University of Sheffield in the United Kingdom and has worked for the Canada Millennium Scholarship Foundation in Montreal. She is currently undertaking a second internship in the West Bank.

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